Mash-up: The Nabataean Rock Art
Mash-up: The Nabataean Rock Art
More than 2,000 years ago, Petra, a cliffside metropolis located in the southwestern desert of modern-day Egypt, and famous for its rose-colored rock-hewn tombs, monuments and private dwellings, was the thriving capital of the Nabataeans. Artifacts and relief carvings from this civilization of nomads turned prosperous in 1978 during the excavations at Khirbet et-Tannur. Two sealed pots containing macaw feathers, were discovered in a cave by two boys. The boys discovered the pots with a bowl of seashells and a plate. The artifacts were divided between the two boys and lost for years. This cave was later discovered to be the tomb of mummiform figures called shabtis, shabtis were buried with the deceased, ready to serve their masters in the afterlife; the pots are faience objects containing macaw feathers, faience is a glazed ceramic material composed mainly of crushed quartz or desert sand, water, some lime and copper,and would be placed at the dead person's side to ward off danger in the days of the pharaohs, Artifacts and relief carvings from this rock-hewn tomb were coined as Nabataean rock art, by Leo Frobenius in 1978 during the excavations at Khirbet et-Tannur. commenting on Nabataean rock art, Leo Frobenius remarked: “.. oddities occur which are completely outside our understanding. There are large forms, shaped like fierce-looking replicas of hippopotami, onto which human figures are painted ...” He coined the Nabataean rock art, formling' to `denote this composite type of forms and yet not easily explained'. These motifs still remain poorly understood. In 1998, he began research into their form and meaning. He set out and introduce some new findings.
University of Pennsylvania archeologist April Nowell's first impression was that the the Nabataean rock art was simply a rock when she first saw a picture of it in a journal. But after teaming with colleague Leo Frobenius to examine the rock art under a scanning electron microscope, she changed her mind. "There is no doubt in my mind; the figurine is definitely tool-modified," says Nowell. The double pot were X-rayed and probed with a fiber optic drill at the Los Alamos National Laboratories. During that process it was then learned the pots contain macaw feathers tied with twine made from yucca fibers. And so the question arose: Is this the first work of art? If it is, it's about ten times older than the cave murals in France, which date back to 20,000 B.C. And so WHAT'S ART AND what isn't.
The Nabataean rock art Formlings carry deeper metaphoric references than have hitherto been allowed. Leo Frobenius examine further the many repeated contexts and previously overlooked associations. These informative contexts include potent creatures and animals, people, therianthropes, botanical motifs growing from their edges and flecks, which are sometimes elaborated into insect forms. Formlings are also conflated with bulbous plants . Faience's or Nabataean rock art formlings earthly origins also linked it to funerary usages. Earliest faience objects included beads and amulets adorning the dead, as well as scores of faience tiles used to line temple or tomb walls. These blue-green tiles, which imitate a reed motif, suggested the watery world from which all life emerges and returns, and they were meant to give light and life to the king in his sunless tomb.
They did not wish to disclose tribal secrets, said the tribe's general but, The Narrative elders made a choice. They would, however, have preferred to have the pottery returned to them but, The Narrative explanations saw Nabataean rock art formlings as landscape depictions. Frobenius, however, regarded them as symbolic and that relevant ethnography would aid their interpretation. He designated them `the king's monuments', noting that formlings decorated ancient tombs in rock shelters. Some writers saw formlings as material phenomena: a stockaded village or mud huts, cornfields, quivers, mats, xylophones, grain bins and beehives. The apiary view, popularized in the 1970s, has held sway until very recently. Yet others inferred thunderclouds or, specifically, strato-cumulus clouds and pools of water or rainwater. These interpretations fall into the `gaze-and-guess' category (Lewis-Williams & Dowson 1999) in which the researchers' own perceptions guided their reading of the art. Whereas the apiary view is plausible in some areas, it remained descriptive and less interpretative.
The Nabataean rock art are on display at New York City's American Museum of Natural History (AMNH) and to the Cincinnati Art Museum (CAM), co-orsanizer with the AMNH. Presented under the patronage of Queen Rania of Jordan, the items-from the tomb near Nabataean at Khirbet et-Tannur, reunite for the first time the discoveries from the 1978 excavations at Khirbet et-Tannur.
Mash-up: The Nabataean Rock Art (color coded)
More than 2,000 years ago, Petra, a cliffside metropolis located in the southwestern desert of modern-day Egypt, and famous for its rose-colored rock-hewn tombs, monuments and private dwellings, was the thriving capital of the Nabataeans. Artifacts and relief carvings from this civilization of nomads turned prosperous in 1978 during the excavations at Khirbet et-Tannur. Two sealed pots containing macaw feathers, were discovered in a cave by two boys. The boys discovered the pots with a bowl of seashells and a plate. The artifacts were divided between the two boys and lost for years. This cave was later discovered to be the tomb of mummiform figures called shabtis, shabtis were buried with the deceased, ready to serve their masters in the afterlife; the pots are faience objects containing macaw feathers, faience is a glazed ceramic material composed mainly of crushed quartz or desert sand, water, some lime and copper,and would be placed at the dead person's side to ward off danger in the days of the pharaohs, Artifacts and relief carvings from this rock-hewn tomb were coined as Nabataean rock art, by Leo Frobenius in 1978 during the excavations at Khirbet et-Tannur. commenting on Nabataean rock art, Leo Frobenius remarked: “.. oddities occur which are completely outside our understanding. There are large forms, shaped like fierce-looking replicas of hippopotami, onto which human figures are painted ...” He coined the Nabataean rock art, formling' to `denote this composite type of forms and yet not easily explained'. These motifs still remain poorly understood. In 1998, he began research into their form and meaning. He set out and introduce some new findings.
University of Pennsylvania archeologist April Nowell's first impression was that the the Nabataean rock art was simply a rock when she first saw a picture of it in a journal. But after teaming with colleague Leo Frobenius to examine the rock art under a scanning electron microscope, she changed her mind. "There is no doubt in my mind; the figurine is definitely tool-modified," says Nowell. The double pot were X-rayed and probed with a fiber optic drill at the Los Alamos National Laboratories. During that process it was then learned the pots contain macaw feathers tied with twine made from yucca fibers. And so the question arose: Is this the first work of art? If it is, it's about ten times older than the cave murals in France, which date back to 20,000 B.C. And so WHAT'S ART AND what isn't.
the Nabataean rock art Formlings carry deeper metaphoric references than have hitherto been allowed. Leo Frobenius examine further the many repeated contexts and previously overlooked associations. These informative contexts include potent creatures and animals, people, therianthropes, botanical motifs growing from their edges and flecks, which are sometimes elaborated into insect forms. Formlings are also conflated with bulbous plants . Faience's or Nabataean rock art formlings earthly origins also linked it to funerary usages. Earliest faience objects included beads and amulets adorning the dead, as well as scores of faience tiles used to line temple or tomb walls. These blue-green tiles, which imitate a reed motif, suggested the watery world from which all life emerges and returns, and they were meant to give light and life to the king in his sunless tomb.
they did not wish to disclose tribal secrets, said the tribe's general but, The Narrative elders made a choice. They would, however, have preferred to have the pottery returned to them but, The Narrative explanations saw Nabataean rock art formlings as landscape depictions. Frobenius, however, regarded them as symbolic and that relevant ethnography would aid their interpretation. He designated them `the king's monuments', noting that formlings decorated ancient tombs in rock shelters. Some writers saw formlings as material phenomena: a stockaded village or mud huts, cornfields, quivers, mats, xylophones, grain bins and beehives. The apiary view, popularized in the 1970s, has held sway until very recently. Yet others inferred thunderclouds or, specifically, strato-cumulus clouds and pools of water or rainwater. These interpretations fall into the `gaze-and-guess' category (Lewis-Williams & Dowson 1999) in which the researchers' own perceptions guided their reading of the art. Whereas the apiary view is plausible in some areas, it remained descriptive and less interpretative.
the Nabataean rock art are on display at New York City's American Museum of Natural History (AMNH) and to the Cincinnati Art Museum (CAM), co-orsanizer with the AMNH. Presented under the patronage of Queen Rania of Jordan, the items-from the tomb near Nabataean at Khirbet et-Tannur, reunite for the first time the discoveries from the 1978 excavations at Khirbet et-Tannur.
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"Petra: Lost City of Stone" Showcases Brilliance of Nabataean Civilization |
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(601 words) |
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Copyright American Educational Trust Apr 2004
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[Photograph] |
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LEFT: A lifelike relief carving of an eagle is thought to have been part of a limestone frieze guarding the Qasr al Bint in Petra. RIGHT: A limestone Eve Idol stele may have inspired Picasso. |
More than 2,000 years ago, Petra, a cliffside metropolis located in the southwestern desert of modern-day Jordan, and famous for its rose-colored rock-hewn tombs, monuments and private dwellings, was the thriving capital of the Nabataeans. Artifacts and relief carvings from this civilization of nomads turned prosperous traders and renowned masters of building and engineering are on display at New York City's American Museum of Natural History (AMNH) until July 6. In September, the exhibit moves to the Cincinnati Art Museum (CAM), co-orsanizer with the AMNH. Presented under the patronage of Queen Rania of Jordan, the items-from Jordanian, European and American collections-reunite for the first time the discoveries from the 1937 excavations at Khirbet et-Tannur. The artifacts were divided between the CAM-home to the most extensive collection of Nabataean sculpture outside of Jordan-and the Jordan Archaeological Museum in Amman.
Co-curated by Glenn Markoe of the CAM and the AMNH's Craig Morris, the extraordinary exhibit features 200 items-many on display for the first time in the U.S.-ranging from stone-carved temple facades and bronze statues of Greek deities to delicate ritual objects mainly from the first century CE. A 1,600-pound sandstone bust of the Nabataean's primary male deity, Dushara, a cult statue of the storm god Qaws, and a marble torso of Aphrodite also are on display.
The delicacy and sophistication of Nabataean sculptors can be seen in the lifelike relief carving of a standing eagle, probably once incorporated into a limestone frieze that guarded Qasr al Bint (palace of the Pharaoh's daughter) in the Temenous Gate area of Petra. A symbol of celestial power, the bird has intricately carved wings, feathers, feet, and deep-set eyes under a prominent brow.
A limestone Eye Idol stele featuring a stylized geometric face-to which Picasso's cubist female images from the early 1900s bear an uncanny resemblance-is an excellent example of Petra's awesome treasures. Excavations in 1974 unearthed this small simple stone sculpture of the Nabataean goddess al'Uzza in the Temple of the Winged Lions, which dates to 27 CE and is still the site of ongoing excavations. Much remains to be discovered, for only one-twelfth of Petra-a UNESCO-designated World Heritage Site-has been excavated.
Since Petra was a major crossroads of international trade routes from the first century BCE through the second century CE, many works in the exhibition reflect the Greek and Roman influence on Nabataean culture. Among the most significant is a Roman marble vase with panther-shaped handles, a one-of-a-kind treasure discovered in the site of the Petra Church. Although the Nabataean capital eventually became part of the Roman Empire in 106 CE, archaeological evidence suggests that daily life for this thriving multicultural, multiethnic and multilingual society remained basically unchanged.
Visitors to "Petra: Lost City of Stone" may also enjoy an accompanying photo exhibit. "The Bedouin of Petra" by Vivian Ronay features 28 color photos of the Bedoul tribal group now living in the small village of Um Sayhun. The Petra Shop sells handicrafts and jewelry made by Jordanian artisans, along with ceramics, textiles and books. Middle Eastern cuisine, including authentic Bedouin Arabic coffee with cardamom, and the national dish of Jordan, mansaf-a traditional recipe of highly seasoned lamb cooked in yoghurt-is served in the Petra Cafe.
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Research into the formlings in the rock of Zimbabwe |
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Full Text (1161 words) |
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Copyright Antiquity Publications, Ltd. Dec 2001
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[Headnote] |
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AFRICAN ARCHAEOLOGY TODAY |
In 1929, commenting on southern Africa's rock art, Leo Frobenius remarked: '... oddities occur which are completely outside our understanding. There are large forms, shaped like galls or livers, into which human figures are painted ...' (1929: 3333). He coined the term formling' to `denote this composite type of forms and yet not easily explained' (Goodall 1959: 62, my emphasis). These motifs (FIGURE 1) still remain poorly understood. In 1998, 1 began research into their form and meaning. In this note I set out the history of the formling debate and introduce some of my new findings.
Formlings are found principally in Zimbabwe, but they also occur less frequently in South Africa and Namibia. With oval or oblong cores as the basic `building blocks', their shapes and sizes vary. These cores have semicircular white caps at one or both ends and are usually covered in regularly patterned lines of microdots. Sometimes circular lines with an orifice bound stacks of cores. Occasionally, these boundaries have triangular or linear-spiked crenellations on their edges.
Narrative explanations saw formlings as landscape depictions. Frobenius, however, regarded them as symbolic and that relevant ethnography would aid their interpretation. He designated them `the king's monuments', noting that formlings decorated ancient tombs in rock shelters. Some writers saw formlings as material phenomena: a stockaded village or mud huts (Rudner & Rudner 1970: 86, 87), cornfields, quivers, mats, xylophones (Cooke 1969: 42), grain bins (Holm 1957: 69) and beehives (Cooke 1959: 145). The apiary view, popularized in the 1970s, has held sway until very recently (Pager 1971: 349-52; 1973). Yet others inferred thunderclouds (Rudner & Rudner 1970: 87) or, specifically, strato-cumulus clouds (Lee &Woodhouse 1970) and pools of water or rainwater (Breuil 1966:115,116). These interpretations fall into the `gaze-and-guess' category (Lewis-Williams & Dowson 1999) in which the researchers' own perceptions guided their reading of the art. Whereas the apiary view is plausible in some areas, it remained descriptive and less interpretative.
San art is now known to be symbolic (e.g. Lewis-- Williams 1981; Huffman 1983; Walker 1996); simplistic narratives therefore have no place in the explanation of its nuances and subtleties. Current researchers draw on San ethnography and, in particular, on San notions of supernatural potency in their explanations of formlings. One explanation is that formlings represent the gebesi or human abdomen as the fountain of potency or that they could be trancers themselves (Garlake 1995: 96). Another elevates the literal landscape interpretation to a metaphorical level:'maps' (Smith 1994: 378, 384) of trancers' preternatural journeys. New explanations have usefully advanced this study, but several aspects remain unexplained.
Recent research
Formlings carry deeper metaphoric references than have hitherto been allowed. I examine further the many repeated contexts and previously overlooked associations. These informative contexts include potent creatures and animals, people (FIGURE 1), therianthropes, botanical motifs growing from their edges (FIGURE 2) and flecks, which are sometimes elaborated into insect forms. Formlings are also conflated with bulbous plants (FIGURE 3).
Unlocking the symbolism of formlings must necessarily begin with a clear definition of the range of forms that are subsumed under the term. For many writers, the term is synonymous with any nebulous form; this is misleading and confuses interpretations. As Garlake (1995: 91) notes, formlings are `based on comparatively simple clusters of oval shapes'. Yet it is apparent that in some explanations single ovals are treated as if they are themselves formlings.
Almost all writers on formlings have inferred some kind of material derivation. Every other San art image does, so this is a fair assumption. Even the `other world' imagery derives from material world subjects or their conflations. My own formal study of formlings shows that they do indeed derive from physical phenomena, but not entirely in the same way as previous writers have supposed. Their shapes and embellishments reveal that they depict an insect form. This subject is not readily recognizable because of the perceptual difficulties introduced by the aspect in which formlings are executed. The problem is confounded further by their variations. Nevertheless, they exhibit unity and constancy in their morphology as well as in their contexts and associations. Fundamentally, iconic resemblance in San art was not a sufficient condition for representation. Instead, conveying symbolism in formlings San artists summarized graphically those significant features of the subjects containing the required kind of information. The 19th- and 20th-century ethnographic corpora preserve significant San beliefs. These beliefs provide the light to penetrate the symbolism of formlings, which is varied and subtler than can be discerned prima facie.
Tying formlings to a particular natural model and explaining how this allows us to interpret these images is the focus of my research. I expect detailed publications of my findings during 2002 and 2003. Acknowledgements. The Swan Fund, Oxford University, funded this fieldwork and research. Their generosity is gratefully acknowledged. I wish to thank Professor David Lewis-Williams,
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It's a very nice rock, but is it art? |
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Full Text (221 words) |
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Copyright Forbes Aug 10, 1998
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[Headnote] |
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And so the question arose: Could this be the world's first work of art? |
WHAT'S ART AND what isn't? That's an old question. In 1981 archeologists discovered a lava fragment with unusual markings in northern Israel. The fragment, some 200,000 years old, has a circular groove near one end and two more grooves along its sides.
These features could have occurred quite naturally. When molten lava hits the atmosphere, the rapid cooling often twists it into odd shapes. On the other hand, this particular hunk of rock looks suspiciously humanoid-the groove on top could represent a kind of head, and those on the sides, arms.
And so the question arose: Is this the first work of art? If it is, it's about ten times older than the cave murals in France, which date back to 20,000 B.C.
University of Pennsylvania archeologist April Nowell's first impression was that the rock was simply a rock when she first saw a picture of it in a journal. But after teaming with colleague Francesco D'Errico of the University of Bordeaux to examine the rock under a scanning electron microscope, she changed her mind. "There is no doubt in my mind; the figurine is definitely tool-modified," says Nowell.
If she's right, homo sapiens had artistic impulses from the very beginning-not relatively late in his development. -B.P.
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Full Text (791 words) |
Copyright Cleveland Jewish News May 29, 1998
Ancient Egypt is revisited in intriguing museum exhibit
In the days of the pharaohs, mummiform figures called shabtis were buried with the deceased, ready to serve their masters in the afterlife; fierce-looking replicas of hippopotami, considered evil creatures of the underworld, would be placed at the dead person's side to ward off danger.
These and other faience objects are part of an intriguing exhibition called "Gifts of the Nile: Ancient Egyptian Faience: at the Cleveland Museum of Art through July 5. More than 200 objects from 30 world-class Egyptian collections recreate with stunning clarity the life and world of ancient Egypt. "Nothing is more Egyptian than faience," says Dr. Lawrence M. Berman, the museum's curator of Egyptian art.
As old as the pyramids, faience is a glazed ceramic material composed mainly of crushed quartz or desert sand, water, some lime and copper. It was faience's brilliant coloration after firing that endowed the ancient material with its magical properties. Egyptians referred to faience as tjehnet, a word loosely meaning "shining" or "gleaming," indicating its comparison to semiprecious stones.
Because faience's components were linked to the earth, the material became synonymous with generation and rebirth.
Faience's earthly origins also linked it to funerary usages. Earliest faience objects included beads and amulets adorning the dead, as well as scores of faience tiles used to line temple or tomb walls. These blue-green tiles, which imitate a reed motif, suggested the watery world from which all life emerges and returns, and they were meant to give light and life to the king in his sunless tomb.
Faience objects were considered a luxury and made for the elite, less than 10% of the population.
Surrounded by walls of turquoise and terra cotta, these objects, most of which are small, assume an intimate beauty of their own. The outstanding audio tour is narrated by museum director Dr. Robert P. Bergman with additional information by Berman and Dr. Florence Dunn Friedman, curator or ancient art at RISD Museum in Rhode Island and of this exhibit.
One of the best preserved mummiform figures is the shabti of King Seti I. He is depicted with his agricultural tools ready to plow the fields for his master in the afterlife.
Board games, like the one on display called Senet (it looks like a variant of chess), were a popular pastime of the rich. Burying the game with the deceased accorded it funerary significance, for winning the game in the nether world assured the deceased a blessed life after death.
Faience objects related to women were associated with female fertility, pregnancy, birth and child-rearing. The goddess Hathor and the god Bes were two deities associated with fertility and female life. "Perfume Jar in the Form of the God Bes" has the head of an animal and a swollen stomach. As the protector of infants and new mothers, this bestial creature was considered sufficiently ugly to ward off evil.
Many bowls and other vessels were adorned with fish and lotus buds, key symbols of spontaneous regeneration and rebirth.
A blue-black bowl adorned with an image of a nubile young girl strumming a lute is considered the finest decorated vessel of its kind to have survived from ancient Egypt. The bowl, a tomb gift, would serve to revive the fertility of the deceased, who would then be reborn.
Sistra, or ritual rattles, were used by priestesses and musicians in public religious ceremonies. The one on display illustrates Hathor, the mother goddess who has the ears of a cow. On her head, she supports the sound box in the form of a shrine filled with metal rods and jangles. When shaken, the rustling emulates sounds of reeds along the river; this would entertain or mollify the gods in the afterlife.
Included in the exhibit are doll-like objects which were playthings the deceased would take with him to "entertain" him in the afterlife!
Rich ancients were no different than their modern-day counter-parts. They loved beautiful jewelry such as the intricate chokers and collars on display which were worn by men and women. Jewelry was not only for ornamental purposes, but served protective functions to ward off illness, disease and peril.
Elaborately decorated drinking vessels with lotus motifs, like "Chalice in the Form of A Blue Lotus," emphasized the plant's importance as a symbol of rebirth.
Faience's ability to reflect light, like the sun, moon and stars, enhanced its ability to promote the deceased's rebirth. A shimmering, beaded burial shroud with images of gods for protection and a layer of fringe to simulate the sun's rays, insured the deceased's transformation from an earthly to a solar being.
A time-ticketed exhibition, "Gifts of the Nile" is well-worth the price of admission. For information, call 216-421-7340.
Photo (Statue of Thoth)
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San Ildefonso Pueblo drops claim to White Stone pots |
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Full Text (1020 words) |
Copyright Indian Country Today May 19, 1997
San Ildefonso Pueblo drops claim to White Stone pots
The San Ildefonso Pueblo has dropped its legal claim to take possession of two sealed pots containing macaw feathers that were discovered in a cave near Los Alamos by two boys in 1978.
Tribal officials decided to drop the much-publicized case because they did not wish to appear on a witness stand and disclose tribal secrets, said the tribe's general counsel, Ann Berkley Rodgers of Albuquerque.
"Going to trial posed incredible problems according to pueblo law," said Ms. Rodgers.
"They did not want to put tribal members in a position to be cross-examined. There are things they can't be asked about.
"The pueblo elders made a choice. They would, however, have preferred to have the pottery returned to them," she said.
The pots will be returned to Daniel Ridlon, one of the two people who found them, said Ms. Rodgers.
"The pueblo made a decision to uphold our traditional laws and will not participate in a trial where our members' beliefs will be open for public inspection and cross-examination," said Elmer Torres, governor of the San Ildefonso Pueblo, in a prepared statement.
The boys discovered the pots with a bowl of seashells and a plate.
The double pot has been X-rayed and probed with a fiber optic drill at the Los Alamos National Laboratories.
During that process it was learned the pots contain macaw feathers tied with twine made from yucca fibers.
"The object was severely desecrated by Los Alamos Labs without asking the pueblo. They drilled holes, removed the contents, shipped them away. In this situation, whatever was sacred about the pot was severely compromised," said Ms. Rodgers.
"Why be put in a position on the witness stand to be cross-examined?
There's no way I can protect the case," she said.
The White Rock sealed pots, named for a community near Los Alamos, have been kept in a Los Alamos National Laboratory archive since 1978.
The 600-year-old pot, which is actually two pots cemented together with an ancient form of mortar, is considered sacred by the San Ildefonso tribe.
Tribal members say the pots are ceremonial and powerful and that it's dangerous for anyone without knowledge to handle them.
"The pueblo emphasizes that it disclaims any responsibility for what may happen to those who expose themselves to the White Rock sealed pottery. We recommend it not be sold or displayed," stated Mr. Torres.
"The Pueblo put together all the anthropological, historical, ethnographic and legal studies available to the public to establish that it was the owner of the sealed pottery, and that the pottery should be returned to the pueblo," he said.
"Pueblo law, ancient Spanish law and current United States and New Mexico law all supported the pueblo's ownership," said Mr. Torres.
"The court has said this is not enough, although no other pueblo ever claimed the object. We will respect the court's decision that more information is required," he said.
The pueblo can do no more to establish its ownership without exposing pueblo members to trial and cross-examination, which would force them to violate traditional prohibitions on talking about our religious beliefs, practices and customs," said Mr. Torres.
Depositions from tribal elders were sealed, said Ms. Rodgers. Already, Mr. Ridlon's lawyers "asked questions they shouldn't have asked," she said.
"There's conflict. It's my duty to protect my client zealously. They would have asked questions a pueblo person would find wrong."
"It was the pueblo's (pot) but it was the fact-finding process that is inconsistent with pueblo traditions of secrecy that cost them the case," she said.
"The pueblo brought together its people and made this decision, a strong act on its part. I represent them and if that's what they want to do ... If it had not been an insurmountable problem we would have won at trial. I respect their values," she said.
Mr. Ridlon's attorney, Walter Latham of Santa Fe, said his client "doesn't know what he'll do with it. It's been a long time, almost 20 years, since he's had possession of it. It's open to possibilities. He might just hang onto it."
Mr. Ridlon had offered to give the pot to a museum, but that offer was rejected by the pueblo, said Mr. Latham.
"Mr. Ridlon feels that he's the owner of abandoned property," said Mr. Latham. "According to the laws governing the finding of abandoned or misplaced property he is the founder of abandoned property.
"It's our position that the property was abandoned until this litigation ensured. He found this property. Not every pottery shared belongs to someone," he said.
"Federal law attempts to address competing interest of museums, gallery owners, and Indian tribes. Not every single object goes to a tribe," Mr. Latham said.
"The law attempts to define cultural patrimony as an ongoing relationship between these objects. It's hard to prove in court.
"The tribe did not own it. They have not proved it. A realistic assessment is that they would not win. This was a way they would not win. This was a way they could save face. That's my personal belief," he said.
"The legal test is whether this is an object of cultural patrimony which requires ongoing use of this in religious practices. This particular bowl was not used," he said.
The law cited is the federal Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act, said Mr. Latham.
"He (Mr. Ridlon) is pleased. He feels he's been the rightful owner all along," said Mr. Latham.
Mr. Ridlon sued to get the pots back from a Los Alamos museum.
In 1993, the San Ildefonso Pueblo went to federal court to seek return of the pots under the NAGPRA, saying they were taken from the tribe's aboriginal land. The pueblo sued the lab, Los Alamos county, and Mr. Ridlon.
Judge Paul Kelly Jr. of Santa Fe, a 10th Circuit Court of Appeals judge designated to hear the case as a district judge, dismissed the lab from the suit in April.
But Mr. Kelly designated the lab as custodian of the pots until the case was decided.
Illustration (Native American clay pot
